Rapid growth in the incarceration rate over the past two decades has made prison time a routine event in the life course of young, economically disadvantaged Black and Hispanic men. Although incarceration may now have large effects on economic inequality, only a few studies systematically examine the labor market experiences of ex-offenders. We review the mechanisms that plausibly link incarceration to employment and earnings and discuss the challenges of causal inference for a highly self-selected sample of criminal offenders.
In our society, individual acts of intentional discrimination function in concert with historically created vulnerabilities; these vulnerabilities are based on disfavored identity categories and amplify each injustice and injury. Although anyone can be a victim of housing discrimination, women of color suffer distinct collateral injuries from barriers to housing that are collective and cumulative in nature.
On January 5, 2011, during an Interagency Reentry Council Meeting, HUD Secretary Shaun Donovan reminded council members that “this is an Administration that believes in the importance of second chances.” He further stated, “And at HUD, part of that support means helping ex-offenders gain access to one of the most fundamental building blocks of a stable life – a place to live.” (author introduction)
The Reentry Roundtable entitled, The Employment Dimensions of Prisoner Reentry: Understanding the Nexus between Prisoner Reentry and Work, was held on May 19-20, 2003 in New York City. The Roundtable focused on several aspects of the employment-reentry link, including the employment profile of the prison population; the work experience in prison; applicable lessons from welfare to work; the employment barriers ex-offenders face; and the potential linkages between correctional systems, intervention programs, and private employers.
While individuals returning from prison face many barriers to successful re-entry, among the most serious are the challenges they face in securing housing. Housing has long been recognized as a prerequisite for stable employment, access to social services, and other aspects of individual and family functioning. The formerly incarcerated face several administrative and de facto restrictions on their housing options; however, little is known about the unique instabilities that they face.
Over the last thirty years, the U.S. penal population increased from around 300,000 to more than two million, with more than half a million prisoners returning to their home communities each year. What are the social costs to the communities from which this vast incarcerated population comes? And what happens to these communities when former prisoners return as free men and women in need of social and economic support?
With incarceration rates in America at record high levels, the criminal justice system now touches the lives of millions of children each year. The imprisonment of nearly three-quarters of a million parents disrupts parent-child relationships, alters the networks of familial support, and places new burdens on governmental services such as schools, foster care, adoption agencies, and youth serving organizations. Few studies have explored the impact of parental incarceration on young children or identified the needs that arise from such circumstances.
Reentry may be thought of as a community-level process when it occurs in high concentrations. The concepts of social capital and collective efficacy have been used to explain the production and maintenance of disadvantage and its consequences. This paper considers the implications of reentry for social capital and collective efficacy, through its impact on families and other neighborhood collectives and institutions, in neighborhoods that experience concentrated levels of reentry.
In February 2007, the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction (ODRC) and CSH in Ohio announced a new supportive housing pilot, Returning Home-Ohio. This initiative is aimed at preventing homelessness and reducing recidivism for individuals returning to Ohio's communities from state prisons. Over the course of the pilot, ODRC has invested over $5 million which has been used for rental subsidies, tenant assistance, supportive services, program evaluation, and project management.
In this article, I examine the degree to which there might be long-lasting or late-life consequences in store for individuals who have been convicted of committing a crime. The goal is to determine whether the mass incarceration that the nation witnessed during the 1980s and 1990s might portend widening inequality in the future, when this generation gets old. (author abstract)