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The SSRC Library allows visitors to access materials related to self-sufficiency programs, practice and research. Visitors can view common search terms, conduct a keyword search or create a custom search using any combination of the filters at the left side of this page. To conduct a keyword search, type a term or combination of terms into the search box below, select whether you want to search the exact phrase or the words in any order, and click on the blue button to the right of the search box to view relevant results.

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The SSRC Library collection is constantly growing and new research is added regularly. We welcome our users to submit a library item to help us grow our collection in response to your needs.


  • Individual Author: Silver, Dan; Weitzman, Beth C.; Blustein, Jan
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2012

    Health care policymakers have cited transportation barriers as key obstacles to providing health care to low-income suburbanites, particularly because suburbs have become home to a growing number of recent immigrants who are less likely to own cars than their neighbors. In a suburb of New York City, we conducted a pilot survey of low income, largely immigrant clients in four public clinics, to find out how much transportation difficulties limit their access to primary care. Clients were receptive to the opportunity to participate in the survey (response rate = 94%). Nearly one-quarter reported having transportation problems that had caused them to miss or reschedule a clinic appointment in the past. Difficulties included limited and unreliable local bus service, and a tenuous connection to a car. Our pilot work suggests that this population is willing to participate in a survey on this topic. Further, since even among those attending clinic there was significant evidence of past transportation problems, it suggests that a population based survey would yield information about...

    Health care policymakers have cited transportation barriers as key obstacles to providing health care to low-income suburbanites, particularly because suburbs have become home to a growing number of recent immigrants who are less likely to own cars than their neighbors. In a suburb of New York City, we conducted a pilot survey of low income, largely immigrant clients in four public clinics, to find out how much transportation difficulties limit their access to primary care. Clients were receptive to the opportunity to participate in the survey (response rate = 94%). Nearly one-quarter reported having transportation problems that had caused them to miss or reschedule a clinic appointment in the past. Difficulties included limited and unreliable local bus service, and a tenuous connection to a car. Our pilot work suggests that this population is willing to participate in a survey on this topic. Further, since even among those attending clinic there was significant evidence of past transportation problems, it suggests that a population based survey would yield information about substantial transportation barriers to health care. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Raphael, Steven; Smolensky, Eugene
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2009

    The proportion of U.S. residents born in another country increased from 5 percent to 12 percent between 1970 and 2003. International immigration accounted for over one quarter of net population growth during this period. Recent immigrants are heavily concentrated among groups with either extremely low or relatively high levels of formal educational attainment, the group at the low end being particularly large. Immigration could affect the U.S. poverty rate in two ways. First, immigrants may have a direct effect on the poverty rate, since poverty rates among the foreign born tend to be high. This direct effect can be exacerbated or mitigated over time depending on the extent to which immigrants acquire experience in U.S. labor markets and progress up the wage ladder. Second, immigration changes the relative numbers of workers with different levels of education and other labor market skills, which may in turn influence the wages and employment of natives. In particular, recent immigration has increased the number of workers with very low levels of educational attainment. How much...

    The proportion of U.S. residents born in another country increased from 5 percent to 12 percent between 1970 and 2003. International immigration accounted for over one quarter of net population growth during this period. Recent immigrants are heavily concentrated among groups with either extremely low or relatively high levels of formal educational attainment, the group at the low end being particularly large. Immigration could affect the U.S. poverty rate in two ways. First, immigrants may have a direct effect on the poverty rate, since poverty rates among the foreign born tend to be high. This direct effect can be exacerbated or mitigated over time depending on the extent to which immigrants acquire experience in U.S. labor markets and progress up the wage ladder. Second, immigration changes the relative numbers of workers with different levels of education and other labor market skills, which may in turn influence the wages and employment of natives. In particular, recent immigration has increased the number of workers with very low levels of educational attainment. How much this change affects the poverty rate depends on the sensitivity of native employment and earnings to the influx of competing immigrant labor. The indirect effects on poverty rates are likely to vary across racial and ethnic groups. In particular, African Americans, native-born Hispanics, and the native-born children of prior immigrants tend to be less educated on average and thus may be more likely to be affected by competition with immigrants. In this article, we examine the likely direct and indirect effects of immigration on poverty rates. (author introduction)

  • Individual Author: Rumbaut, Ruben G.; Komaie, Golnaz
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2010

    Almost 30 percent of the more than 68 million young adults aged eighteen to thirty-four in the United States today are either foreign born or of foreign parentage. As these newcomers make their transitions to adulthood, say Ruben Rumbaut and Golnaz Komaie, they differ significantly not only from one another but also from their native-parentage counterparts, including blacks and whites. The authors document the demographic changes in the United States over the past forty years and describe the ways in which generation and national origin shape the experiences of these newcomers as they become adults.

    Rumbaut and Komaie point out that immigrant groups experience gaps in social, economic, and legal status that are even greater than the gaps between native whites and blacks. By far the most-educated (Indians) and the least-educated (Mexicans) groups in the United States today are first-generation immigrants, as are the groups with the lowest poverty rate (Filipinos) and the highest poverty rate (Dominicans). These social and economic divides reflect three...

    Almost 30 percent of the more than 68 million young adults aged eighteen to thirty-four in the United States today are either foreign born or of foreign parentage. As these newcomers make their transitions to adulthood, say Ruben Rumbaut and Golnaz Komaie, they differ significantly not only from one another but also from their native-parentage counterparts, including blacks and whites. The authors document the demographic changes in the United States over the past forty years and describe the ways in which generation and national origin shape the experiences of these newcomers as they become adults.

    Rumbaut and Komaie point out that immigrant groups experience gaps in social, economic, and legal status that are even greater than the gaps between native whites and blacks. By far the most-educated (Indians) and the least-educated (Mexicans) groups in the United States today are first-generation immigrants, as are the groups with the lowest poverty rate (Filipinos) and the highest poverty rate (Dominicans). These social and economic divides reflect three very different ways immigrants enter the country: through regular immigration channels, without legal authorization, or as state-sponsored refugees. For many ethnic groups, significant progress takes place from the first to the second generation. But, say the authors, for millions of young immigrants, a lack of legal permanent residency status blocks their prospects for social mobility. Having an undocumented status has become all the more consequential with the failure of Congress to pass comprehensive federal immigration reforms.

    In the coming two decades, as the U.S. native-parentage labor force continues to shrink, immigrants and their children are expected to account for most of the growth of the nation's labor force, with the fastest-growing occupations requiring college degrees. Rumbaut and Komaie stress that one key to the nation's future will be how it incorporates young adults of immigrant origin in its economy, polity, and society, especially how it enables these young adults to have access to, and to attain, postsecondary education and its manifold payoffs. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Cattan, Peter; Girard, Chris
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2004

    Studies of the economic well-being of women leaving welfare generally focus on the efforts of the welfare leaver herself. We argue that it is also important to take into account the employment and earnings of others in her household. Among women in Miami-Dade County (Florida) who left welfare between October 1999 and January 2000, our data show that households with multiple earners fared far better than others across several indicators of economic well-being. More detailed analysis indicates that the multiple-earner strategy was a likely option primarily for leavers whose sociodemographic characteristics already gave them labor market advantages. Important differences exist in welfare-leaving outcomes between Cuban and native-born African Americans, who together account for most of Miami’s welfare leavers. (author abstract)

    Studies of the economic well-being of women leaving welfare generally focus on the efforts of the welfare leaver herself. We argue that it is also important to take into account the employment and earnings of others in her household. Among women in Miami-Dade County (Florida) who left welfare between October 1999 and January 2000, our data show that households with multiple earners fared far better than others across several indicators of economic well-being. More detailed analysis indicates that the multiple-earner strategy was a likely option primarily for leavers whose sociodemographic characteristics already gave them labor market advantages. Important differences exist in welfare-leaving outcomes between Cuban and native-born African Americans, who together account for most of Miami’s welfare leavers. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Avellar, Sarah; Smock, Pamela J.
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2005

    Although the economic effects of divorce have been well studied, a similar exploration of cohabitation has not been conducted. For this analysis, the authors use a sample from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (N = 2,372) documenting changes in economic well-being at the end of a cohabiting relationship and comparing these results to a sample of divorced respondents. After dissolution, formerly cohabiting men's economic standing declines moderately, whereas formerly cohabiting women's declines much more precipitously, leaving a substantial proportion of women in poverty. This effect is particularly pronounced for African American and Hispanic women. Though the end of the relationship does reinforce gender stratification, it is also an "equalizer" between married and cohabiting women, leaving them in strikingly similar economic positions. (author abstract)

    Although the economic effects of divorce have been well studied, a similar exploration of cohabitation has not been conducted. For this analysis, the authors use a sample from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (N = 2,372) documenting changes in economic well-being at the end of a cohabiting relationship and comparing these results to a sample of divorced respondents. After dissolution, formerly cohabiting men's economic standing declines moderately, whereas formerly cohabiting women's declines much more precipitously, leaving a substantial proportion of women in poverty. This effect is particularly pronounced for African American and Hispanic women. Though the end of the relationship does reinforce gender stratification, it is also an "equalizer" between married and cohabiting women, leaving them in strikingly similar economic positions. (author abstract)

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