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  • Individual Author: Owens, Ann; Sampson, Robert J.
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2013

    The effects of the Great Recession on individuals and workers are well studied. Many reports document how and why individuals became more likely to be unemployed, to be in poverty, or to face foreclosure.

    But how have neighborhoods fared during the Great Recession? Although most research has focused on individual-level outcomes, many of the conventional narratives about the Great Recession are in fact neighborhood-level narratives. In discussing the housing crisis, for example, we don’t just focus on individuals facing foreclosure but on entire neighborhoods that were hard hit by the housing crisis, where one can find house after house on the same streets all in foreclosure. Likewise, the unemployment crisis is often understood to be spatially clustered, with areas that depend disproportionately on construction, manufacturing, and other heavily-affected industries typically presumed to be especially hard hit.  (author abstract)

    The effects of the Great Recession on individuals and workers are well studied. Many reports document how and why individuals became more likely to be unemployed, to be in poverty, or to face foreclosure.

    But how have neighborhoods fared during the Great Recession? Although most research has focused on individual-level outcomes, many of the conventional narratives about the Great Recession are in fact neighborhood-level narratives. In discussing the housing crisis, for example, we don’t just focus on individuals facing foreclosure but on entire neighborhoods that were hard hit by the housing crisis, where one can find house after house on the same streets all in foreclosure. Likewise, the unemployment crisis is often understood to be spatially clustered, with areas that depend disproportionately on construction, manufacturing, and other heavily-affected industries typically presumed to be especially hard hit.  (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Andrews, Nancy; Erickson, David
    Reference Type: Book Chapter/Book
    Year: 2012

    One in six Americans now lives in poverty — the highest level in half a century. Poverty has spread beyond cities to suburbs and rural communities and is being transferred from one generation to the next. At the same time, we know more about what it takes to build vibrant communities and to help people lead healthy, productive lives. We also know that expanding access to affordable housing, good schools, transportation, jobs, and even supermarkets and parks, can mean better health and life outcomes for people and revitalize whole communities.

    Investing in What Works for America’s Communities is a new book that calls on leaders from the public, private, and nonprofit sectors to build on what we know is working to move the needle on poverty. The book’s impressive list of authors represents a broad range of sectors including federal agencies, philanthropy, housing academia, health, and the private sector. This collection of essays provides dozens of innovative ideas that can bring new opportunities to America’s struggling communities. It calls on leaders, from the...

    One in six Americans now lives in poverty — the highest level in half a century. Poverty has spread beyond cities to suburbs and rural communities and is being transferred from one generation to the next. At the same time, we know more about what it takes to build vibrant communities and to help people lead healthy, productive lives. We also know that expanding access to affordable housing, good schools, transportation, jobs, and even supermarkets and parks, can mean better health and life outcomes for people and revitalize whole communities.

    Investing in What Works for America’s Communities is a new book that calls on leaders from the public, private, and nonprofit sectors to build on what we know is working to move the needle on poverty. The book’s impressive list of authors represents a broad range of sectors including federal agencies, philanthropy, housing academia, health, and the private sector. This collection of essays provides dozens of innovative ideas that can bring new opportunities to America’s struggling communities. It calls on leaders, from the public, private, and nonprofit sectors to recognize that they can work smarter and achieve more by working together.

    Table of Contents:

    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

    FOREWORD : Building Sustainable Communities, Elizabeth A. Duke, Governor, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System

    I COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: PAST AND PRESENT

    • The Past, Present, and Future of Community Development in the United States, Alexander von Hoffman, Harvard University
    • The Continuing Evolution of American Poverty and Its Implications for Community Development, Alan Berube, Brookings Institution
    • Crossing Over to an Improved Era of Community Development, Eric Belsky, Harvard University and Jennifer Fauth, City of New York

    II OPEN FORUM: VOICES AND OPINIONS FROM LEADERS IN POLICY, THE FIELD, AND ACADEMIA

    FROM LEADERS IN POLICY

    • Fighting Poverty through Community Development, Shaun Donovan, U.S. Secretary of Housing and Urban Development; Arne Duncan, U.S. Secretary of Education; and, Kathleen Sebelius, U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services

    FROM LEADERS IN THE FIELD

    • America’s Tomorrow: Race, Place, and the Equity Agenda, Angela Glover Blackwell, PolicyLink
    • People Transforming Communities. For Good., Angela Blanchard, Neighborhood Centers, Inc.
    • Future of Community Development: How CDFIs Can Best Ride the Impact Investing Wave, Antony Bugg-Levine, Nonprofit Finance Fund
    • Community Development in Rural America: Collaborative, Regional, and Comprehensive, Cynthia M. Duncan, AGree
    • It Takes a Neighborhood: Purpose Built Communities and Neighborhood Transformation, Shirley Franklin, Purpose Built Communities and David Edwards, IBM Corporation
    • The Future of Community Development, Paul Grogan, The Boston Foundation
    • From Community to Prosperity, Ben Hecht, Living Cities
    • Owning Your Own Job Is a Beautiful Thing: Community Wealth Building in Cleveland, Ohio, Ted Howard, Democracy Collaborative
    • Why Health, Poverty, and Community Development Are Inseparable, Risa Lavizzo-Mourey, Robert Wood Johnson Foundation
    • The World Has Changed and So Must We, Clara Miller, F. B. Heron Foundation
    • Getting to Scale: The Need for a New Model in Housing and Community Development, Sister Lillian Murphy, Mercy Housing and Janet Falk, Mercy Housing
    • What Problem Are We Trying to Solve?, Mark A. Pinsky, Opportunity Finance Network
    • Transit-Oriented Development Is Good Community Development, John Robert Smith, Reconnecting America and Allison Brooks, Reconnecting America
    • Household and Community Financial Stability: Essential and Interconnected, Jennifer Tescher, Center for Financial Services Innovation

    FROM LEADERS IN ACADEMIA

    • Assessing Health Effects of Community Development, Nancy E. Adler, University of California, San Francisco
    • Deep Democracy Is Not Meetings That Last Forever: Community Development Next, Xavier de Souza Briggs, Massachusetts Institute of Technology  and J. Phillip Thompson, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
    • Rules, Not Resources, Mark Calabria, Cato Institute
    • Our History with Concentrated Poverty, Peter Edelman, Georgetown University Law Center
    • Crime and Community Development, Ingrid Gould Ellen, New York University
    • Early Childhood Development: Creating Healthy Communities with Greater Efficiency and Effectiveness, Gabriella Conti, University of Chicago and James J. Heckman, University of Chicago
    • Mobilizing Science to Reduce Intergenerational Poverty, James M. Radner, University of Toronto and Jack P. Shonkoff, Harvard University

    III MAPPING THE FUTURE: SYNTHESIZING THEMES AND

    IDEAS FOR NEXT STEPS

    • Integration and Innovation in a Time of Stress: Doing the Best for People and Place, Ellen Seidman, Visiting Scholar at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
    • Routinizing the Extraordinary, David Erickson, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco; Ian Galloway, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco; and, Naomi Cytron, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
    • Inflection Point: New Vision, New Strategy, New Organization, Nancy O. Andrews, Low Income Investment Fund  and Nicolas Retsinas, Harvard Business School

    (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Mora, Marie T.
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2011

    Using public-use data from the 2009 American Community Survey, this study analyzes poverty rates among Hispanic and Asian adults while considering “fractionalized” immigrant generations: Generation 1.75 (those who migrated to the U.S. before the age of six), Generation 1.5 (those who migrated at between the ages of 6-18 and acquired some of their primary or secondary education in the U.S.), and Generation 1.0 (those who migrated after completing all of their primary and secondary education abroad). Consistent with other studies on immigrant/native poverty differentials, first generation immigrants in both groups were significantly more likely to be impoverished than U.S. natives. However, Generation 1.75, and to a lesser extent, Generation 1.5 Hispanic adults had significantly lower poverty rates than their U.S.-born counterparts, while Generation 1.75 and 1.5 Asian adults had similar poverty rates as U.S.-born Asians. Differences in socioeconomic, demographic, and geographic characteristics do not fully explain these differences. Such findings indicate that poverty reduction...

    Using public-use data from the 2009 American Community Survey, this study analyzes poverty rates among Hispanic and Asian adults while considering “fractionalized” immigrant generations: Generation 1.75 (those who migrated to the U.S. before the age of six), Generation 1.5 (those who migrated at between the ages of 6-18 and acquired some of their primary or secondary education in the U.S.), and Generation 1.0 (those who migrated after completing all of their primary and secondary education abroad). Consistent with other studies on immigrant/native poverty differentials, first generation immigrants in both groups were significantly more likely to be impoverished than U.S. natives. However, Generation 1.75, and to a lesser extent, Generation 1.5 Hispanic adults had significantly lower poverty rates than their U.S.-born counterparts, while Generation 1.75 and 1.5 Asian adults had similar poverty rates as U.S.-born Asians. Differences in socioeconomic, demographic, and geographic characteristics do not fully explain these differences. Such findings indicate that poverty reduction policies might be more effective if they go beyond considering broad classifications of race/ethnicity and birthplace, incorporating at a minimum the timing of migration among foreign-born in their lifecycles. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Halpern, Robert
    Reference Type: Book Chapter/Book
    Year: 1998

    How has America's social welfare network benefited families living in poverty? In what ways has it failed to provide for their needs? The system of social welfare in the United States has been in place for most of this century-and although it has had lasting impact on the lives of many people in need, it is far from perfect in its handling of the nation's poor. Fragile Families, Fragile Solutions presents a historical perspective on one of the central components of the U.S. social welfare network-family services-and provides a unique look at the advances this service network has achieved, problems it has confronted, and where it is likely to go in the future.

    Beginning with an exploration of the nineteenth-century roots of family services and the emergence of family casework at the beginning of this century, Halpern ranges through the 1920s and 1930- charting the influence of psychoanalytic theory in social service work and government responses to the Depression. He surveys the following two decades, when policymakers attempted to respond to changing inner-city populations...

    How has America's social welfare network benefited families living in poverty? In what ways has it failed to provide for their needs? The system of social welfare in the United States has been in place for most of this century-and although it has had lasting impact on the lives of many people in need, it is far from perfect in its handling of the nation's poor. Fragile Families, Fragile Solutions presents a historical perspective on one of the central components of the U.S. social welfare network-family services-and provides a unique look at the advances this service network has achieved, problems it has confronted, and where it is likely to go in the future.

    Beginning with an exploration of the nineteenth-century roots of family services and the emergence of family casework at the beginning of this century, Halpern ranges through the 1920s and 1930- charting the influence of psychoanalytic theory in social service work and government responses to the Depression. He surveys the following two decades, when policymakers attempted to respond to changing inner-city populations. An extended section focuses on the 1960- a critical reform period. Covering a wide spectrum of contemporary issues in policy and organization, as well as escalating crises in such areas as child welfare, Halpern brings readers up to date on this complex subject.

    Offering policy recommendations for the future, Halpern inspires social workers and policymakers alike with a symbolic goal of constructing a more positive vision of the potential of social services, and a pragmatic objective of designing an efficient, effective family services network to care for Americans in greatest need of support. (publisher abstract)

  • Individual Author: Raphael, Steven; Smolensky, Eugene
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2009

    The proportion of U.S. residents born in another country increased from 5 percent to 12 percent between 1970 and 2003. International immigration accounted for over one quarter of net population growth during this period. Recent immigrants are heavily concentrated among groups with either extremely low or relatively high levels of formal educational attainment, the group at the low end being particularly large. Immigration could affect the U.S. poverty rate in two ways. First, immigrants may have a direct effect on the poverty rate, since poverty rates among the foreign born tend to be high. This direct effect can be exacerbated or mitigated over time depending on the extent to which immigrants acquire experience in U.S. labor markets and progress up the wage ladder. Second, immigration changes the relative numbers of workers with different levels of education and other labor market skills, which may in turn influence the wages and employment of natives. In particular, recent immigration has increased the number of workers with very low levels of educational attainment. How much...

    The proportion of U.S. residents born in another country increased from 5 percent to 12 percent between 1970 and 2003. International immigration accounted for over one quarter of net population growth during this period. Recent immigrants are heavily concentrated among groups with either extremely low or relatively high levels of formal educational attainment, the group at the low end being particularly large. Immigration could affect the U.S. poverty rate in two ways. First, immigrants may have a direct effect on the poverty rate, since poverty rates among the foreign born tend to be high. This direct effect can be exacerbated or mitigated over time depending on the extent to which immigrants acquire experience in U.S. labor markets and progress up the wage ladder. Second, immigration changes the relative numbers of workers with different levels of education and other labor market skills, which may in turn influence the wages and employment of natives. In particular, recent immigration has increased the number of workers with very low levels of educational attainment. How much this change affects the poverty rate depends on the sensitivity of native employment and earnings to the influx of competing immigrant labor. The indirect effects on poverty rates are likely to vary across racial and ethnic groups. In particular, African Americans, native-born Hispanics, and the native-born children of prior immigrants tend to be less educated on average and thus may be more likely to be affected by competition with immigrants. In this article, we examine the likely direct and indirect effects of immigration on poverty rates. (author introduction)

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