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The SSRC Library allows visitors to access materials related to self-sufficiency programs, practice and research. Visitors can view common search terms, conduct a keyword search or create a custom search using any combination of the filters at the left side of this page. To conduct a keyword search, type a term or combination of terms into the search box below, select whether you want to search the exact phrase or the words in any order, and click on the blue button to the right of the search box to view relevant results.

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The SSRC Library includes resources which may be available only via journal subscription. The SSRC may be able to provide users without subscription access to a particular journal with a single use copy of the full text.  Please email the SSRC with your request.

The SSRC Library collection is constantly growing and new research is added regularly. We welcome our users to submit a library item to help us grow our collection in response to your needs.


  • Individual Author: Dunham, Kate; Betesh, Hannah
    Reference Type: Conference Paper
    Year: 2015

    With a growing need for a more skilled workforce, providing effective and efficient employment and training services is an important national priority. We provide an overview of two of the largest initiatives seeking to provide these services in the United States: the Adult and Dislocated Worker programs. The programs provide similar services—including information on job search and high-demand occupations, assistance from employment counselors, and funding for training—and differ mainly in whether they focus on low-income individuals or workers who have become unemployed due to local economic conditions. We describe the programs as they operated under the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 and how they evolved when the Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act (WIOA) superseded WIA in 2015. (Author abstract)

    With a growing need for a more skilled workforce, providing effective and efficient employment and training services is an important national priority. We provide an overview of two of the largest initiatives seeking to provide these services in the United States: the Adult and Dislocated Worker programs. The programs provide similar services—including information on job search and high-demand occupations, assistance from employment counselors, and funding for training—and differ mainly in whether they focus on low-income individuals or workers who have become unemployed due to local economic conditions. We describe the programs as they operated under the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998 and how they evolved when the Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act (WIOA) superseded WIA in 2015. (Author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Cerf, Benjamin; Leach, Mark A.; Mitchell, Josh; Shattuck, Rachel M.
    Year: 2017

    This PowerPoint presentation from the 2017 NAWRS workshop summarizes how the great recession of 2007-2010 has exacerbated the economic instability of many U.S. families, and how it has renewed Congressional interest in evaluating programs like SNAP, WIC, and TANF.

    This PowerPoint presentation from the 2017 NAWRS workshop summarizes how the great recession of 2007-2010 has exacerbated the economic instability of many U.S. families, and how it has renewed Congressional interest in evaluating programs like SNAP, WIC, and TANF.

  • Individual Author: Schulz, Kelly M.; Diriker, Memo
    Year: 2017

    This PowerPoint presentation from the 2017 NAWRS workshop summarizes the Maryland state-funded competitive workforce development grant program, EARN-MD, and explains the program’s goals, objectives, and distinctive factors. 

    This PowerPoint presentation from the 2017 NAWRS workshop summarizes the Maryland state-funded competitive workforce development grant program, EARN-MD, and explains the program’s goals, objectives, and distinctive factors. 

  • Individual Author: Wiseman, Michael; Newell, Gabrielle; Frohlich, Lauren; Goerge, Robert; Hahn, Heather
    Reference Type: Conference Paper
    Year: 2018

    Moderated by Gabrielle Newell (Administration for Children and Families/Business Strategy Consultants), this session explored how states meet work participation rate targets and spend their TANF funds; trends in program entry and exit among TANF recipients; and how states and the federal government measure employment outcomes in TANF. Michael Wiseman (Administration for Children and Families/George Washington University) served as discussant for this multifaceted exploration of TANF through data. Various methodologies were used across the presentations. (Author introduction)

    Moderated by Gabrielle Newell (Administration for Children and Families/Business Strategy Consultants), this session explored how states meet work participation rate targets and spend their TANF funds; trends in program entry and exit among TANF recipients; and how states and the federal government measure employment outcomes in TANF. Michael Wiseman (Administration for Children and Families/George Washington University) served as discussant for this multifaceted exploration of TANF through data. Various methodologies were used across the presentations. (Author introduction)

  • Individual Author: Hodges, Leslie; Men, Fei
    Reference Type: Conference Paper
    Year: 2018

    In February of 2018, 6.7 million American workers were unemployed. Of these workers, one in four had been unemployed for more than half a year (BLS, 2018). Unemployment has been linked to numerous negative outcomes, including increased risk of poverty and of material hardships. A major goal of the Federal-State Unemployment Compensation Program (UI) is to protect individuals and their households against the economic risks associated with unemployment. By providing weekly cash benefits to displaced workers while they search for new jobs, we expect that UI would help households to meet basic needs and act as a buffer against economic hardships. However, with a few exceptions, the prior literature has not paid a great deal of attention to the effects of UI on poverty and material well-being.

    One reason for this lack of attention is that studies interested in identifying optimal benefit levels and optimal program size have primarily focused on how UI affects the behaviors of workers and firms. Another possible reason is that UI is not targeted towards the poor, and helping...

    In February of 2018, 6.7 million American workers were unemployed. Of these workers, one in four had been unemployed for more than half a year (BLS, 2018). Unemployment has been linked to numerous negative outcomes, including increased risk of poverty and of material hardships. A major goal of the Federal-State Unemployment Compensation Program (UI) is to protect individuals and their households against the economic risks associated with unemployment. By providing weekly cash benefits to displaced workers while they search for new jobs, we expect that UI would help households to meet basic needs and act as a buffer against economic hardships. However, with a few exceptions, the prior literature has not paid a great deal of attention to the effects of UI on poverty and material well-being.

    One reason for this lack of attention is that studies interested in identifying optimal benefit levels and optimal program size have primarily focused on how UI affects the behaviors of workers and firms. Another possible reason is that UI is not targeted towards the poor, and helping workers and their households reach or maintain a certain level of economic well-being is not an explicit goal. As a result, there may be less scrutiny of whether the UI program makes participants better off compared to means-tested programs such as SNAP and TANF.

    Nevertheless, from our perspective, poverty and material hardship measures are particularly appealing for examining the effects of UI participation. First, determining optimal benefit levels requires identifying behavioral distortions and identifying what prior studies call the “beneficial insurance effect," such as knowing how UI receipt affects household income and household consumption of goods and services. Second, UI participation among individuals in or near poverty has received greater attention following welfare reform in the mid-90s and following historical rates of unemployment during the Great Recession. However, by focusing only on the poverty effects of UI, we would be ignoring the effects that the program might have on the economic well-being of households who are not in poverty, and we would be assuming that having a certain income level is synonymous with being able to meet basic needs.

    In order to examine whether receipt of UI benefits reduces poverty and material hardships, we use data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) and bivariate probit regression analysis to model jointly the probability of UI benefit receipt and the probability of experiencing poverty and of experiencing housing, utility, food, and medical hardships. In order to account for unobserved differences between individuals who receive UI benefits while unemployed and those who do not, our models include state UI policies as instrumental variables. Similar to prior studies, our preliminary results suggest that UI receipt has a substantial negative effect on poverty, and that UI receipt reduces food insecurity, but not other hardships. By examining UI's effects on economic well-being this study contributes to current understanding of how the program is meeting the needs of workers in the modern economy. (Author abstract)

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