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The SSRC Library allows visitors to access materials related to self-sufficiency programs, practice and research. Visitors can view common search terms, conduct a keyword search or create a custom search using any combination of the filters at the left side of this page. To conduct a keyword search, type a term or combination of terms into the search box below, select whether you want to search the exact phrase or the words in any order, and click on the blue button to the right of the search box to view relevant results.

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  • Individual Author: Johnson, Rucker C.; Kalil, Ariel; Dunifon, Rachel E.
    Reference Type: Journal Article
    Year: 2012

    Using data from five waves of the Women’s Employment Survey (WES; 1997–2003), we examine the links between low-income mothers’ employment patterns and the emotional behavior and academic progress of their children. We find robust and substantively important linkages between several different dimensions of mothers’ employment experiences and child outcomes. The pattern of results is similar across empirical approaches-including ordinary least squares and child fixed-effect models, with and without an extensive set of controls. Children exhibit fewer behavior problems when mothers work and experience job stability (relative to children whose mothers do not work). In contrast, maternal work accompanied by job instability is associated with significantly higher child behavior problems (relative to employment in a stable job). Children whose mothers work full-time and/or have fluctuating work schedules also exhibit significantly higher levels of behavior problems. However, full-time work has negative consequences for children only when it is in jobs that do not require cognitive...

    Using data from five waves of the Women’s Employment Survey (WES; 1997–2003), we examine the links between low-income mothers’ employment patterns and the emotional behavior and academic progress of their children. We find robust and substantively important linkages between several different dimensions of mothers’ employment experiences and child outcomes. The pattern of results is similar across empirical approaches-including ordinary least squares and child fixed-effect models, with and without an extensive set of controls. Children exhibit fewer behavior problems when mothers work and experience job stability (relative to children whose mothers do not work). In contrast, maternal work accompanied by job instability is associated with significantly higher child behavior problems (relative to employment in a stable job). Children whose mothers work full-time and/or have fluctuating work schedules also exhibit significantly higher levels of behavior problems. However, full-time work has negative consequences for children only when it is in jobs that do not require cognitive skills. Such negative consequences are completely offset when this work experience is in jobs that require the cognitive skills that lead to higher wage growth prospects. Finally, fluctuating work schedules and full-time work in non-cognitively demanding jobs are each strongly associated with the probability that the child will repeat a grade or be placed in special education. (author abstract)

    This article was originally based on the working paper published by the University of Michigan National Poverty Center: https://www.opressrc.org/content/work-after-welfare-reform-and-well-bein....

  • Individual Author: Danziger, Sheldon H.; Farley, Reynolds
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2010

    Even before the “Great Recession” that began in December 2007, three long-term trends dating back to the early 1970s, shaped economic well-being in Michigan and the rest of the nation. These trends are evident for most economic outcomes, including employment, earnings, household income, poverty, and health insurance coverage.

    1. In 1970, Michigan residents had higher economic status than residents of other states. This advantage eroded between 1970 and 2000 as economic growth was more rapid outside of, than inside, Michigan. The first decade of the 21st century has been especially problematic in Michigan, whose workers and households now have earnings and incomes that are below the national average and a poverty rate that is above the national average. For example, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey, the official poverty rate in Michigan increased by 3.4 percentage points from 11.0 to 14.4 percent between 2002 and 2008, a greater percentage point increase than in any other state. Poverty in the U.S. increased by 0.8 percentage points over these...

    Even before the “Great Recession” that began in December 2007, three long-term trends dating back to the early 1970s, shaped economic well-being in Michigan and the rest of the nation. These trends are evident for most economic outcomes, including employment, earnings, household income, poverty, and health insurance coverage.

    1. In 1970, Michigan residents had higher economic status than residents of other states. This advantage eroded between 1970 and 2000 as economic growth was more rapid outside of, than inside, Michigan. The first decade of the 21st century has been especially problematic in Michigan, whose workers and households now have earnings and incomes that are below the national average and a poverty rate that is above the national average. For example, according to the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey, the official poverty rate in Michigan increased by 3.4 percentage points from 11.0 to 14.4 percent between 2002 and 2008, a greater percentage point increase than in any other state. Poverty in the U.S. increased by 0.8 percentage points over these years, from 12.4 to 13.2 percent.

    2. High school graduates have always had lower economic status than college graduates. However, since the early 1970s, male high school graduates have experienced not only declines relative to college graduates, but also absolute declines in their employment rate and inflation-adjusted earnings, both in Michigan and the rest of the nation.

    3. Men have higher economic status than women. However, since the early 1970s, and especially during the recent recession, men’s employment, earnings and health insurance coverage have fallen relative to those of women. Women are now more likely to graduate from college than men, are less likely to be unemployed than men, and more likely to have health insurance. For example, in 1973, the national unemployment rate for women 20 years and older was 1.6 percentage points higher than that for men (4.9 vs. 3.3 percent); in 2009, it was 2.4 percentage points lower (7.5 vs. 9.6 percent). (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Burt, Martha R.
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2010

    This report addresses two questions: 1) What happens to homeless families who "graduate" from HUD-funded transitional housing (TH)? and 2) What factors affect housing, employment, and children's well-being after TH? Project sites included Cleveland/Cuyahoga County, Detroit, Houston/Harris County, San Diego City and County, and Seattle/King County. 195 families were interviewed as they left TH, with 179 (92 percent) completing 12 month follow-up interviews. Certain aspects of TH programs and the way that mothers used them affected mothers' education and employment immediately after TH and employment 12 months later. Having a housing voucher at TH exit was the strongest predictor of stable housing during the year following TH, but had no effect on employment outcomes. (author abstract)

    This report addresses two questions: 1) What happens to homeless families who "graduate" from HUD-funded transitional housing (TH)? and 2) What factors affect housing, employment, and children's well-being after TH? Project sites included Cleveland/Cuyahoga County, Detroit, Houston/Harris County, San Diego City and County, and Seattle/King County. 195 families were interviewed as they left TH, with 179 (92 percent) completing 12 month follow-up interviews. Certain aspects of TH programs and the way that mothers used them affected mothers' education and employment immediately after TH and employment 12 months later. Having a housing voucher at TH exit was the strongest predictor of stable housing during the year following TH, but had no effect on employment outcomes. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: O'Leary, Christopher J.
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2015

    In this paper I examine the rates at which adults in households recently receiving Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) become jobless, apply for and receive unemployment insurance (UI) benefits, and participate in publicly funded employment services. I also investigate the correlation of UI and employment services receipt with maintenance of self-sufficiency through return to work and independence from TANF. The analysis is based on person-level administrative program records from four of the nine largest states between 1997 and 2003. Evidence suggests that three-quarters of new TANF leavers experience joblessness within three years, and one-quarter of the newly jobless apply for UI benefits. About 87 percent of UI applicants have sufficient prior earnings to qualify for UI benefits; however, only about 44 percent qualify based on their job separation reasons. Among all UI applicants, TANF leavers were found to have much higher rates of voluntary quits and employer dismissals than non-TANF leavers. Nonetheless, 50 percent of TANF leavers who apply for UI ultimately...

    In this paper I examine the rates at which adults in households recently receiving Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) become jobless, apply for and receive unemployment insurance (UI) benefits, and participate in publicly funded employment services. I also investigate the correlation of UI and employment services receipt with maintenance of self-sufficiency through return to work and independence from TANF. The analysis is based on person-level administrative program records from four of the nine largest states between 1997 and 2003. Evidence suggests that three-quarters of new TANF leavers experience joblessness within three years, and one-quarter of the newly jobless apply for UI benefits. About 87 percent of UI applicants have sufficient prior earnings to qualify for UI benefits; however, only about 44 percent qualify based on their job separation reasons. Among all UI applicants, TANF leavers were found to have much higher rates of voluntary quits and employer dismissals than non-TANF leavers. Nonetheless, 50 percent of TANF leavers who apply for UI ultimately receive benefits. Public employment services are used by one-quarter of newly jobless TANF leavers. Among UI applicants, more than 75 percent use public employment services whether they receive UI benefits or not, while only 14 percent of newly jobless TANF leavers who do not apply for UI choose to use public employment services. Among TANF leavers who become jobless and apply for UI, the rate of return to TANF is lower for those who receive UI benefits. Rates of return to TANF are highest among nonbeneficiary UI applicants and non-UI applicants with low recent earnings. (Author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Leung, Pauline; O'Leary, Christopher J.
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2015

    Recent efforts to expand unemployment insurance (UI) eligibility are expected to increase low-earning workers’ access to UI. Although the expansion’s aim is to smooth the income and consumption of previously ineligible workers, it is possible that UI benefits simply displace other sources of income. Standard economic models predict that UI delays reemployment, thereby reducing wage income. Additionally, low-earning workers are often eligible for benefits from means-tested programs, which may decrease with UI benefits. In this paper, we estimate the impact of UI eligibility on employment, means-tested program participation, and income after job loss using a unique individual-level administrative data set from the state of Michigan. To identify a causal effect, we implement a fuzzy regression discontinuity design around the minimum earnings threshold for UI eligibility. Our main finding is that while UI eligibility increases jobless durations by up to 25 percent and temporarily lowers receipt of cash assistance (TANF) by 63 percent, the net impact on total income is still positive...

    Recent efforts to expand unemployment insurance (UI) eligibility are expected to increase low-earning workers’ access to UI. Although the expansion’s aim is to smooth the income and consumption of previously ineligible workers, it is possible that UI benefits simply displace other sources of income. Standard economic models predict that UI delays reemployment, thereby reducing wage income. Additionally, low-earning workers are often eligible for benefits from means-tested programs, which may decrease with UI benefits. In this paper, we estimate the impact of UI eligibility on employment, means-tested program participation, and income after job loss using a unique individual-level administrative data set from the state of Michigan. To identify a causal effect, we implement a fuzzy regression discontinuity design around the minimum earnings threshold for UI eligibility. Our main finding is that while UI eligibility increases jobless durations by up to 25 percent and temporarily lowers receipt of cash assistance (TANF) by 63 percent, the net impact on total income is still positive and large. In the quarter immediately following job loss, UI-eligible workers have 46-61 percent higher incomes than ineligibles. (Author abstract)

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