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The SSRC Library allows visitors to access materials related to self-sufficiency programs, practice and research. Visitors can view common search terms, conduct a keyword search or create a custom search using any combination of the filters at the left side of this page. To conduct a keyword search, type a term or combination of terms into the search box below, select whether you want to search the exact phrase or the words in any order, and click on the blue button to the right of the search box to view relevant results.

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The SSRC Library collection is constantly growing and new research is added regularly. We welcome our users to submit a library item to help us grow our collection in response to your needs.


  • Individual Author: Gornick, Janet C.; Jäntti, Markus
    Reference Type: Stakeholder Resource
    Year: 2016

    Using a relative poverty standard for disposable household income, the U.S. poverty rate exceeds that reported in all of the other high-income countries in this study, with the sole exception of Israel. The well-known exceptionalism of American relative poverty extends only to rich countries. Most of the middle-income countries in this study report higher relative poverty rates than are seen in the United States. U.S. children are 30 percent more likely to live in relative poverty than is the U.S. population overall. This general pattern is not unusual. In about three-quarters of the rich countries included in this study, children’s poverty risk (vis-à-vis disposable income) is higher than that of all persons. When we consider absolute poverty (using a poverty line based on the official U.S. threshold), American children are more likely to be poor than children in 11 of the 20 study countries. And nine of these 11 countries—all but Luxembourg and Norway—are less affluent than the U.S. (author abstract)

    Using a relative poverty standard for disposable household income, the U.S. poverty rate exceeds that reported in all of the other high-income countries in this study, with the sole exception of Israel. The well-known exceptionalism of American relative poverty extends only to rich countries. Most of the middle-income countries in this study report higher relative poverty rates than are seen in the United States. U.S. children are 30 percent more likely to live in relative poverty than is the U.S. population overall. This general pattern is not unusual. In about three-quarters of the rich countries included in this study, children’s poverty risk (vis-à-vis disposable income) is higher than that of all persons. When we consider absolute poverty (using a poverty line based on the official U.S. threshold), American children are more likely to be poor than children in 11 of the 20 study countries. And nine of these 11 countries—all but Luxembourg and Norway—are less affluent than the U.S. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Ludwig, Rebekah
    Reference Type: Stakeholder Resource
    Year: 2013

    The American family has changed dramatically over the past half century, increasing in instability, diversity, and complexity. More people are having children outside of marriage , some with partners and others as single parents; more unmarried couples are living together; up to half of couples that do marry, divorce; and many couples with children that break up go on to have more children with new partners…

    These changes in couples’ relationships and childbearing, which have led to unprecedented family complexity, have been accompanied by a steep increase in U.S. economic inequality over the last quarter of the 20th century.

    Researchers have found growing gaps in children’s experiences by their parents’ socioeconomic status. The differences in family structure are thought to also affect increasing inequality, and vice versa. (author introduction)

    The American family has changed dramatically over the past half century, increasing in instability, diversity, and complexity. More people are having children outside of marriage , some with partners and others as single parents; more unmarried couples are living together; up to half of couples that do marry, divorce; and many couples with children that break up go on to have more children with new partners…

    These changes in couples’ relationships and childbearing, which have led to unprecedented family complexity, have been accompanied by a steep increase in U.S. economic inequality over the last quarter of the 20th century.

    Researchers have found growing gaps in children’s experiences by their parents’ socioeconomic status. The differences in family structure are thought to also affect increasing inequality, and vice versa. (author introduction)

  • Individual Author: Magnuson, Katherine; Votruba-Drzal, Elizabeth
    Reference Type: Stakeholder Resource
    Year: 2009

    Poverty is not an uncommon experience for children growing up in the United States. Although only about one in five children are in poverty each year, roughly one in three will spend at least one year living in a poor household. Child poverty is a significant concern to researchers and policymakers because childhood poverty is linked to many undesirable outcomes, including reduced academic attainment, higher rates of nonmarital childbearing, and a greater likelihood of health problems. Moreover, childhood poverty, especially when it is deep and persistent, increases the chances that a child will grow up to be poor as an adult, thereby giving rise to the intergenerational transmission of economic disadvantage. (author abstract)

    Poverty is not an uncommon experience for children growing up in the United States. Although only about one in five children are in poverty each year, roughly one in three will spend at least one year living in a poor household. Child poverty is a significant concern to researchers and policymakers because childhood poverty is linked to many undesirable outcomes, including reduced academic attainment, higher rates of nonmarital childbearing, and a greater likelihood of health problems. Moreover, childhood poverty, especially when it is deep and persistent, increases the chances that a child will grow up to be poor as an adult, thereby giving rise to the intergenerational transmission of economic disadvantage. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Foster, E. Michael; Holden, E. Wayne
    Reference Type: Stakeholder Resource
    Year: 2004

    Broad evaluation of the financial consequences of social programs has been somewhat of an orphan stepchild of policy analysis, especially within states. A full benefit- cost analysis is expensive and complex to implement, requiring that evaluators reach far beyond the immediate framework of the program to consider the effects of choices made across a wide programmatic and social spectrum. It takes time to do properly, and public officials tend to need swift answers. But particularly now, as greater integration of social welfare programs is actively under consideration in many jurisdictions, benefit-cost analysis should be a central tool of social welfare program evaluation.

    This article suggests how a benefit-cost analysis of child welfare programs might be set up, describing the structure of the analysis, identifying potential data sources, and noting difficulties. An accompanying brief article (pp. 50–52) describes a benefit-cost analysis of an early childhood intervention program, the Chicago Child-Parent Centers, carried out as part of the evaluation by the Chicago...

    Broad evaluation of the financial consequences of social programs has been somewhat of an orphan stepchild of policy analysis, especially within states. A full benefit- cost analysis is expensive and complex to implement, requiring that evaluators reach far beyond the immediate framework of the program to consider the effects of choices made across a wide programmatic and social spectrum. It takes time to do properly, and public officials tend to need swift answers. But particularly now, as greater integration of social welfare programs is actively under consideration in many jurisdictions, benefit-cost analysis should be a central tool of social welfare program evaluation.

    This article suggests how a benefit-cost analysis of child welfare programs might be set up, describing the structure of the analysis, identifying potential data sources, and noting difficulties. An accompanying brief article (pp. 50–52) describes a benefit-cost analysis of an early childhood intervention program, the Chicago Child-Parent Centers, carried out as part of the evaluation by the Chicago Longitudinal Study under the direction of IRP affiliate Arthur Reynolds. (author introduction)