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The SSRC Library allows visitors to access materials related to self-sufficiency programs, practice and research. Visitors can view common search terms, conduct a keyword search or create a custom search using any combination of the filters at the left side of this page. To conduct a keyword search, type a term or combination of terms into the search box below, select whether you want to search the exact phrase or the words in any order, and click on the blue button to the right of the search box to view relevant results.

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The SSRC Library includes resources which may be available only via journal subscription. The SSRC may be able to provide users without subscription access to a particular journal with a single use copy of the full text.  Please email the SSRC with your request.

The SSRC Library collection is constantly growing and new research is added regularly. We welcome our users to submit a library item to help us grow our collection in response to your needs.


  • Individual Author: Rynell, Amy; Tuttle, Samantha; Buitrago, Katie
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2017

    Chicago is currently facing a devastating surge in lethal violence in addition to staggering rates of poverty across Illinois. Policymakers and community leaders are struggling with finding short- and long-term solutions to stem the violence and allow neighborhoods to heal. In the meantime, communities are fearing for their own safety and grieving over lost parents, children, friends, and leaders every day. The stakes forgetting the solutions right could not be higher. Poverty and violence often intersect, feed one another, and share root causes. Neighborhoods with high levels of violence are also characterized by high levels of poverty, lack of adequate public services and educational opportunity, poorer health outcomes, asset and income inequality, and more. The underlying socioeconomic conditions in these neighborhoods perpetuate both violence and poverty. Furthermore, trauma can result from both violence and poverty. Unaddressed trauma worsens quality of life, makes it hard to rise out of poverty by posing barriers to success at school and work, and raises the likelihood of...

    Chicago is currently facing a devastating surge in lethal violence in addition to staggering rates of poverty across Illinois. Policymakers and community leaders are struggling with finding short- and long-term solutions to stem the violence and allow neighborhoods to heal. In the meantime, communities are fearing for their own safety and grieving over lost parents, children, friends, and leaders every day. The stakes forgetting the solutions right could not be higher. Poverty and violence often intersect, feed one another, and share root causes. Neighborhoods with high levels of violence are also characterized by high levels of poverty, lack of adequate public services and educational opportunity, poorer health outcomes, asset and income inequality, and more. The underlying socioeconomic conditions in these neighborhoods perpetuate both violence and poverty. Furthermore, trauma can result from both violence and poverty. Unaddressed trauma worsens quality of life, makes it hard to rise out of poverty by posing barriers to success at school and work, and raises the likelihood of aggressive behavior. In this way, untreated trauma—coupled with easy gun availability and other factors—feeds the cycle of poverty and violence. (Author desription)

  • Individual Author: Moffitt, Robert A.; Ribar, David C.
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2016

    A long literature in economics concerns itself with differential allocations of resources to different children within the family unit. In a study of approximately 1,500 very disadvantaged families with children in Boston, Chicago, and San Antonio from 1999 to 2005, significant differences in levels of food allocation, as measured by an indicator of food “insecurity,” are found across children of different ages and genders. Using answers to unique survey questions for a specific child in the family, food insecurity levels are found to be much higher among older boys and girls than among younger ones, and to be sometimes higher among older boys than among older girls. Differential allocations are strongly correlated with the dietary and nutritional needs of the child. However, the differences in allocation appear only in the poorest families with the lowest levels of money income and family resources in general, and most differences disappear in significance or are greatly reduced in magnitude when resources rise to only modest levels. Differences in food insecurity across...

    A long literature in economics concerns itself with differential allocations of resources to different children within the family unit. In a study of approximately 1,500 very disadvantaged families with children in Boston, Chicago, and San Antonio from 1999 to 2005, significant differences in levels of food allocation, as measured by an indicator of food “insecurity,” are found across children of different ages and genders. Using answers to unique survey questions for a specific child in the family, food insecurity levels are found to be much higher among older boys and girls than among younger ones, and to be sometimes higher among older boys than among older girls. Differential allocations are strongly correlated with the dietary and nutritional needs of the child. However, the differences in allocation appear only in the poorest families with the lowest levels of money income and family resources in general, and most differences disappear in significance or are greatly reduced in magnitude when resources rise to only modest levels. Differences in food insecurity across different types of children therefore appear to be a problem primarily only among the worst-off families. (Author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Roy, Kevin; Palkovitz, Rob; Fagan, Jay
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2007

    In this paper, we examine the processes and contexts that allow nonresidential fathers to maintain close relationships with their children despite multiple life transitions. Specifically, we explore how development may not be an accumulation of normative statuses and turning points but an active and urgent strategizing to find alternative paths to participation as parents, partners, and workers. We focus on analyses of life history interviews collected from 146 fathers with demographic backgrounds parallel to those in the Fragile Families data set. Within this qualitative dataset, we focus on a subsample of particularly resilient fathers to explore the processes and contexts that shape transitory fathering and that cannot be captured in secondary analyses of large data sets. (author abstract)

    In this paper, we examine the processes and contexts that allow nonresidential fathers to maintain close relationships with their children despite multiple life transitions. Specifically, we explore how development may not be an accumulation of normative statuses and turning points but an active and urgent strategizing to find alternative paths to participation as parents, partners, and workers. We focus on analyses of life history interviews collected from 146 fathers with demographic backgrounds parallel to those in the Fragile Families data set. Within this qualitative dataset, we focus on a subsample of particularly resilient fathers to explore the processes and contexts that shape transitory fathering and that cannot be captured in secondary analyses of large data sets. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Kisker, Ellen Eliason; Rangarajan, Anu; Boller, Kimberly
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 1998

    Anticipating the mandatory participation requirements of the 1988 Family Support Act, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS), in 1986, launched the Teenage Parent Demonstration (TPD) to test the feasibility and effects of requiring teenage parents on welfare to participate in activities aimed at achieving economic self-sufficiency in order to receive maximum welfare benefits. Public welfare agencies in Illinois and New Jersey were awarded grants to design and implement the TPD programs. The Illinois program, Project Advance, operated in the south side of Chicago; the New Jersey program. Teen Progress, operated in Newark and Camden. The programs began serving young mothers in mid-1987 and continued through mid-1991. DHHS contracted with Mathematica Policy Research, Inc. to evaluate the demonstration programs. The first phase of the evaluation focused on documenting the implementation and costs of the programs, assessing the service needs and use of participants (including special studies of child care needs and use), and examining the short-term impacts of the...

    Anticipating the mandatory participation requirements of the 1988 Family Support Act, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS), in 1986, launched the Teenage Parent Demonstration (TPD) to test the feasibility and effects of requiring teenage parents on welfare to participate in activities aimed at achieving economic self-sufficiency in order to receive maximum welfare benefits. Public welfare agencies in Illinois and New Jersey were awarded grants to design and implement the TPD programs. The Illinois program, Project Advance, operated in the south side of Chicago; the New Jersey program. Teen Progress, operated in Newark and Camden. The programs began serving young mothers in mid-1987 and continued through mid-1991. DHHS contracted with Mathematica Policy Research, Inc. to evaluate the demonstration programs. The first phase of the evaluation focused on documenting the implementation and costs of the programs, assessing the service needs and use of participants (including special studies of child care needs and use), and examining the short-term impacts of the programs on mothers' prospects for attaining economic self-sufficiency. The second phase of the evaluation focused on measuring the endurance of the short-term impacts of the programs on mothers' prospects and assessing program impacts on the well-being of each mother's first-born child during the first few years after the program requirements and special services ended.

    This report presents the findings from the second phase of the evaluation. The remaining sections of this chapter provide an overview of the demonstration rationale, the intervention design, the demonstration evaluation, and a summary of the key findings. The following chapters present the evaluation findings in detail. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Reynolds, Arthur J.
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 1997

    In this study, the effects of the Child-Parent Center and Expansion (CPC) Program on scholastic development up to age 14 were reported for a large sample of economically disadvantaged children. The CPC program is a state- and federally funded early childhood educational intervention for children in the Chicago Public Schools who are at risk of academic underachievement due to poverty and associated factors. The CPCs provide comprehensive educational and family support services from ages 3 to 9, for up to six years of continuous intervention. Longitudinal findings from a matched 1989 graduating cohort of 878 program and 286 comparison-group children indicated that (a) any participation in the program was significantly associated with school performance up to eighth grade, (b) duration of participation was significantly associated with school performance, especially for children who participated for five or six years, (c) participation in extended childhood intervention to second and third grade yielded significantly better school performance than participation ending in...

    In this study, the effects of the Child-Parent Center and Expansion (CPC) Program on scholastic development up to age 14 were reported for a large sample of economically disadvantaged children. The CPC program is a state- and federally funded early childhood educational intervention for children in the Chicago Public Schools who are at risk of academic underachievement due to poverty and associated factors. The CPCs provide comprehensive educational and family support services from ages 3 to 9, for up to six years of continuous intervention. Longitudinal findings from a matched 1989 graduating cohort of 878 program and 286 comparison-group children indicated that (a) any participation in the program was significantly associated with school performance up to eighth grade, (b) duration of participation was significantly associated with school performance, especially for children who participated for five or six years, (c) participation in extended childhood intervention to second and third grade yielded significantly better school performance than participation ending in kindergarten, and (d) longer-term effects of the program were largely explained by cognitive-advantage and family-support factors, both of which are theoretically linked to the program activities. (author abstract)

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