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The SSRC Library allows visitors to access materials related to self-sufficiency programs, practice and research. Visitors can view common search terms, conduct a keyword search or create a custom search using any combination of the filters at the left side of this page. To conduct a keyword search, type a term or combination of terms into the search box below, select whether you want to search the exact phrase or the words in any order, and click on the blue button to the right of the search box to view relevant results.

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  • Individual Author: Blagg, Kristin; Chingos, Matthew; Corcoran, Sean P.; Cordes, Sarah A.; Cowen, Joshua; Denice, Patrick ; Gross, Betheny; Lincove, Jane Arnold ; Sattin-Bajaj, Carolyn; Schwartz, Amy Ellen; Valant, Jon
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2018

    How to get to school is an important issue for families who want to send their children to schools outside their neighborhood and for education policymakers seeking to implement school choice policies that mitigate educational inequality. We analyze travel times between the homes and schools of nearly 190,000 students across five large US cities that offer a significant amount of educational choice:  Denver, Detroit, New Orleans, New York City, and Washington, DC. We find: 

    • Despite wide variation across cities in student transportation policy, there are similar student transportation patterns across our cities. Most students live within a 20-minute drive from home to their school. Older students travel farther to school than younger students, and black students travel farther than white or Hispanic students. Students who are not low income tend to travel farther than their low-income peers.
    • Particularly among older students, those enrolled in traditional public schools tend to travel as far, or in some cases farther, than those attending charter schools....

    How to get to school is an important issue for families who want to send their children to schools outside their neighborhood and for education policymakers seeking to implement school choice policies that mitigate educational inequality. We analyze travel times between the homes and schools of nearly 190,000 students across five large US cities that offer a significant amount of educational choice:  Denver, Detroit, New Orleans, New York City, and Washington, DC. We find: 

    • Despite wide variation across cities in student transportation policy, there are similar student transportation patterns across our cities. Most students live within a 20-minute drive from home to their school. Older students travel farther to school than younger students, and black students travel farther than white or Hispanic students. Students who are not low income tend to travel farther than their low-income peers.
    • Particularly among older students, those enrolled in traditional public schools tend to travel as far, or in some cases farther, than those attending charter schools.
    • Access to “high quality” high schools varies across cities, race and ethnicity, and on the quality measure used. However, ninth-grade students, on average, tend to live about a 10-minute drive from a “high quality” high school.
    • Access to a car can significantly increase the number of schools available to a family. Typical travel times to school by public transit are significantly greater than by car, especially in cities with less efficient transit networks.

    Just as there are inequalities and differences in students’ academic performance across these cities, we see parallel inequalities and differences in the distances that students travel and in the availability of nearby school options. Experiments in targeted policy interventions, such as implementing transportation vouchers for low-income parents of very young students, using yellow buses on circulating routes, or changing the way that school siting decisions are made, might yield pragmatic solutions that further level the playing field for a city’s most disadvantaged students. (Author abstract) 

  • Individual Author: Elliott, Diana; Ratcliffe, Caroline; Kalish, Emma Cancian
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2016

    Detroit has weathered several economic shocks over recent decades, creating a complicated landscape for the financial health of its residents and the city as a whole. The city’s economy depends upon financially healthy residents. This brief uses credit bureau data to examine Detroit residents’ financial health through credit scores, debt profiles, and delinquencies. Sixty-six percent of Detroit residents have a subprime or no credit score, only 19 percent have healthy credit, and 68 percent have delinquent debt. City-level programs and policies could be implemented to help Detroit’s residents improve their financial health. (Author abstract)

    Detroit has weathered several economic shocks over recent decades, creating a complicated landscape for the financial health of its residents and the city as a whole. The city’s economy depends upon financially healthy residents. This brief uses credit bureau data to examine Detroit residents’ financial health through credit scores, debt profiles, and delinquencies. Sixty-six percent of Detroit residents have a subprime or no credit score, only 19 percent have healthy credit, and 68 percent have delinquent debt. City-level programs and policies could be implemented to help Detroit’s residents improve their financial health. (Author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Danziger, Sandra; Allard, Scott; Wathen, Maria ; Burgard, Sarah; Seefeldt, Kristin; Rodems, Rick; Cohen, Alicia
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2014

    While the Great Recession officially ended in June 2009, the recovery that followed has been slow and high unemployment rates persist. The recession contributed to increased food insecurity according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture: from 2008 to 2011, over 14% of households were food insecure at some time during the year, whereas from 1999 to 2007, the figure had been considerably lower at 10-11%.

    The Detroit Metropolitan Area was much harder hit by the Great Recession than many other areas. As a result, food insecurity has remained quite high in the region. Gunderson et al. (2013) report 18.2% of Michigan residents were food insecure in 2009. In the three counties that comprise the Detroit area, food insecurity rates in 2009 were 23.8% for Wayne County, 15.3% for Oakland County and 17.7 % for Macomb County.

    In this brief, we use panel data from the Michigan Recession and Recovery Study (MRRS) to evaluate recent changes in food insecurity, identify key risk factors, and examine use of public and private programs intended to reduce food insecurity. (author...

    While the Great Recession officially ended in June 2009, the recovery that followed has been slow and high unemployment rates persist. The recession contributed to increased food insecurity according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture: from 2008 to 2011, over 14% of households were food insecure at some time during the year, whereas from 1999 to 2007, the figure had been considerably lower at 10-11%.

    The Detroit Metropolitan Area was much harder hit by the Great Recession than many other areas. As a result, food insecurity has remained quite high in the region. Gunderson et al. (2013) report 18.2% of Michigan residents were food insecure in 2009. In the three counties that comprise the Detroit area, food insecurity rates in 2009 were 23.8% for Wayne County, 15.3% for Oakland County and 17.7 % for Macomb County.

    In this brief, we use panel data from the Michigan Recession and Recovery Study (MRRS) to evaluate recent changes in food insecurity, identify key risk factors, and examine use of public and private programs intended to reduce food insecurity. (author abstract) 

  • Individual Author: Gould-Werth, Alix; Burgard, Sarah
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2012

    From December 2007 through June 2009, the United States experienced its most severe recession since the Great Depression. Though the National Bureau of Economic Research officially declared the end of the recession in June of 2009, high rates of unemployment have persisted into 2012. Michigan is among the states hit hardest by the recession, especially the Detroit Metropolitan area, which has long been the center of the automobile industry.

    The Great Recession and its aftermath have impacted the employment and incomes of a wide swath of residents. Black and non-black, male and female, blue-collar and white-collar Michiganders experienced layoffs, furloughs, wage cuts and other employment and economic shocks. As is the case nationally, employment problems were concentrated among workers who are less-educated, blue-collar and African American.

    This report examines the employment problems of three groups at the time of the first survey: those who were employed, those who were unemployed; and those who were not in the labor force. (author abstract)

    From December 2007 through June 2009, the United States experienced its most severe recession since the Great Depression. Though the National Bureau of Economic Research officially declared the end of the recession in June of 2009, high rates of unemployment have persisted into 2012. Michigan is among the states hit hardest by the recession, especially the Detroit Metropolitan area, which has long been the center of the automobile industry.

    The Great Recession and its aftermath have impacted the employment and incomes of a wide swath of residents. Black and non-black, male and female, blue-collar and white-collar Michiganders experienced layoffs, furloughs, wage cuts and other employment and economic shocks. As is the case nationally, employment problems were concentrated among workers who are less-educated, blue-collar and African American.

    This report examines the employment problems of three groups at the time of the first survey: those who were employed, those who were unemployed; and those who were not in the labor force. (author abstract)

  • Individual Author: Allard, Scott; Danziger, Sandra; Wathen, Maria
    Reference Type: Report
    Year: 2012

    The Great Recession has led to record job losses, persistently high rates of unemployment, and lower earnings for many households, all of which have led to increased poverty. A number of public and private sources of support may help low-income families cope with the effects of the recession. Cash and in-kind safety net programs such as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly food stamps), the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), public health insurance programs, such as Medicaid, and Unemployment Insurance (UI) delivered more than $300 billion in benefits to tens of millions of low-income households in 2009.

    In addition, private charitable nonprofit organizations and informal private social support provide assistance both to households that receive public benefits and to those not eligible for public benefits. Private supports help families cope with job loss, diminished earnings, and related hardships. Some nonprofit charities provide programs that address barriers to employment and promote greater self-...

    The Great Recession has led to record job losses, persistently high rates of unemployment, and lower earnings for many households, all of which have led to increased poverty. A number of public and private sources of support may help low-income families cope with the effects of the recession. Cash and in-kind safety net programs such as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly food stamps), the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), public health insurance programs, such as Medicaid, and Unemployment Insurance (UI) delivered more than $300 billion in benefits to tens of millions of low-income households in 2009.

    In addition, private charitable nonprofit organizations and informal private social support provide assistance both to households that receive public benefits and to those not eligible for public benefits. Private supports help families cope with job loss, diminished earnings, and related hardships. Some nonprofit charities provide programs that address barriers to employment and promote greater self-sufficiency, including job search, education and skill development, literacy, housing assistance, emergency cash, temporary food assistance, and health-related services. Similarly, families, friends, and social networks often provide informal social support for finding a job, paying bills, addressing food or shelter needs, childcare, or otherwise reducing hardship.

    Although some public programs such as SNAP, UI and Medicaid have greatly expanded caseloads and expenditures in response to rising need following the Great Recession, few studies have explored how low-income families have drawn on help from both formal and informal sources of private social support during this period.

    This policy brief examines the sources of support received by households with children and with income near or below the federal poverty line in the Detroit Metropolitan Area during the wake of the Great Recession. We compare use of public and private programs by race and by respondents’ experiences of unemployment during the prior year. We focus on supports potentially available to low-income families through public programs, assistance from charitable nonprofits, and informal sources of private support. Roughly three-quarters of poor and near-poor households with children in the Detroit Metropolitan Area have received some type of public safety net benefit in the previous year and a comparable share reported drawing upon private sources of support during that time. Slightly more than half of all low-income households combined public and private sources. Receipt of public and private sources of support is most prevalent among households with respondents experiencing prolonged periods of unemployment. (author abstract)

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